Thursday, 30 March 2017

مذھب کی بنیاد پر "دو قومی نظریہ" کا مسئلہ پہلے بھی اتر پردیش کا تھا اور اب بھی ھے۔

پاکستان کو "دو قومی نظریہ" کی بنیاد پر بنایا گیا۔ دراصل انگریزوں نے جب 1937 میں عوامی انتخاب کے ذریعے برٹش انڈیا کے صوبوں میں جمھوری حکومتوں کے قیام کا عمل شروع کیا تو صرف پنجاب ' بنگال اور سندھ میں مسلمان وزیرِ اعظم منتخب ھوئے۔ یوپی ' سی پی میں یوپی ' سی پی کی مسلمان اشرافیہ کی جگہ ھندوؤں کے وزیرِ اعظم منتخب ھونے کے بعد یوپی ' سی پی کی مسلمان اشرافیہ کو اپنی نوابی خطرے میں پڑتی دکھائی دینے لگی۔ اس لیے یوپی ' سی پی کی مسلمان اشرافیہ کو معلوم ھوا کہ یہ مسلمان ھیں اور ایک علیحدہ قوم ھیں۔ ورنہ انکے آباؤ اجداد کو 350 سال تک ھندوؤں پر حکمرانی کرنے کے باوجود بھی علیحدہ قوم ھونے کا احساس نہیں ھوا تھا اور نہ ھی 1300 سال تک کے عرصے کے دوران کبھی کسی مسلمان عالم نے مسلمانوں کو ایک علیحدہ قوم قرار دیا تھا۔

برٹش انڈیا کی سب سے بڑی قوم بنگالی تھے۔ ھندی- اردو بولے والے ھندوستانی (یوپی ' سی پی والے ) دوسری بڑی قوم تھے۔ جبکہ پنجابی تیسری ' تیلگو چوتھی ' مراٹھی پانچویں ' تامل چھٹی ' گجراتی ساتویں ' کنڑا آٹھویں ' ملایالم نویں ' اڑیہ دسویں بڑی قوم تھے۔

برٹش انڈیا میں "دو قومی نظریہ"  کو بنیاد بنا کر ' پہلی بڑی قوم بنگالی اور تیسری بڑی قوم پنجابی کو مذھب کی بنیاد پر تقسیم کر کے مسلمان بنگالیوں اور مسلمان پنجابیوں کو پاکستان میں شامل کر کے ایک تو انڈیا کی پہلی اور تیسری بڑی قوم کو تقسیم کر دیا گیا۔

دوسرا برٹش انڈیا کی چوتھی ' پانچویں ' چھٹی ' ساتویں ' آٹھویں ' نویں ' دسویں بڑی قوم کو ھندی بولے والے ھندوستانیوں کی بالادستی میں دے دیا گیا۔

تیسرا اردو بولے والے ھندوستانی مسلمانوں کو پاکستان لا کر ' پاکستان کا وزیرِ اعظم اردو بولے والے ھندوستانی کو بنا دیا گیا۔ پاکستان کی قومی زبان بھی ان گنگا جمنا کلچر والے ھندوستانیوں کی زبان اردو کو بنا دیا گیا۔ پاکستان کا قومی لباس بھی ان گنگا جمنا کلچر والوں کی شیروانی اور پاجامہ بنا دیا گیا۔ پاکستان کی حکومت ' دستور ساز اسمبلی ' اسٹیبلشمنٹ ' بیوروکریسی ' سیاست ' صحافت ' شہری علاقوں ' تعلیمی اداروں پر ان اردو بولے والے ھندوستانیوں کی بالادستی قائم کروا دی گئی۔

پاکستان کو مسلمانوں کا ملک بنا کر پاکستان کی تشکیل کا مقصد اسلامی تعلیمات کے مطابق معاشرہ تشکیل دینا بتایا گیا تھا ' جسکے لیے پنجابی قوم کو مذھب کی بنیاد پر لڑوا کر ' پنجاب کو تقسیم کروا کر 20 لاکھ پنجابی مروائے گئے اور 2 کروڑ پنجابی بے گھر کروائے گئے۔ سندھ میں سے سماٹ سندھی ھندؤں کو نکال دیا گیا اور یوپی ' سی پی سے مسلمانوں کو سندھ لاکر سماٹ سندھی ھندؤں کی جائیدادیں یوپی ' سی پی کے مسلمانوں کو دے دی گئیں۔ اس کے ساتھ ساتھ پاکستان کی قوموں سے انکے اپنے علاقوں پر انکا اپنا حکمرانی کا حق بھی چھین لیا گیا۔ جسکے لیے 22 اگست 1947 کو جناح صاحب نے سرحد کی منتخب حکومت برخاست کردی۔ 26 اپریل 1948 کو جناح صاحب کی ھدایت کی روشنی میں گو رنر ھدایت اللہ نے سندھ میں ایوب کھوڑو کی منتخب حکومت کو برطرف کر دیا اور اسی روایت کو برقرار رکھتے ھوئے ' بلکہ مزید اضافہ کرتے ھوئے ' لیاقت علی خان نے 25 جنوری 1949 کو پنجاب کی منتخب اسمبلی کو ھی تحلیل کر دیا-

یعنی ملک کے وجود میں آنے کے ڈیڑھ سال کے اندر اندر عوام کے منتخب کردہ جمہوری اداروں اور نمائندوں کا دھڑن تختہ کر دیا گیا۔ اسکے ساتھ ساتھ پاکستان کی قوموں سے انکی اپنی زبان میں تعلیم حاصل کرنے کا حق بھی چھین لیا گیا۔ جسکے لیے 21 مارچ 1948 کو رمنا ریس کورس ڈھاکہ میں جناح صاحب نے انگریزی زبان میں اکثریتی زبان بولنے والے بنگالیوں سے کہہ دیا کہ سرکاری زبان اردو اور صرف اردو ھو گی اور اس بات کی مخالفت کرنے والے ملک دشمن تصور ھونگے۔

جناح نے پاکستان بنانے کے لیے پنجاب تقسیم کروا دیا۔ 20 لاکھ پنجابی مروا دیے۔ 2 کروڑ پنجابی بے گھر کروا دیے۔ سندھ میں سے سماٹ سندھی ھندؤں کو نکال دیا۔ مذھبی نفرت کی جو آگ جناح نے لگائی ' اس میں پنجابی قوم اب تک جل رھی ھے۔ جناح نے برٹش ایجنڈے اور یوپی ' سی پی والوں کے سیاسی مفادات پر کام کر کے ' جو ظلم پنجابی قوم پر کیا ' اس کا انجام اچھا نہیں۔ اسلام کو سیاسی مفادات کے لیے استعمال کرنے سے پاکستان میں اسلام بھی سیاست زدہ ھو چکا ھے اور اردو کو پاکستان کی قومی زبان بنانے کے باوجود 69 سال کے بعد بھی نہ پاکستانی نام کی قوم بن سکی اور نہ بنتی نظر آ رھی ھے۔

چونکہ"دو قومی نظریہ" کو وجود میں لانے والا طبقہ یوپی ' سی پی کی مسلمان اشرافیہ تھی۔ اس لیے 1971 میں مسلمان بنگالیوں کے مشرقی پاکستان کو پاکستان سے الگ کرکے بنگالی قوم کا ملک بنگلہ دیش بنانے اور 1984 میں یوپی ' سی پی کی مسلمان اشرافیہ کی طرف سے مھاجر تشخص اختیار کرکے اردو بولنے والے ھندوستانی مھاجروں کے لیے "مھاجر قومی موومنٹ" کے نام سے سیاسی جماعت بنا لینے کے بعد پاکستان کی زمین کی اصل وارث اور مالک پنجابی ' سماٹ ' ھندکو اور بروھی قوموں کے لیے "دو قومی نظریہ" کی تو بلکل ھی نہ کوئی افادیت رھتی ھے اور نہ ھی کوئی اھمیت رھتی ھے۔

مذھب کی بنیاد پر "دو قومی نظریہ"  کا مسئلہ پنجاب ' سندھ ' خیبر پختونخواہ ' بلوچستان کا نہیں تھا۔ مذھب کی بنیاد پر "دو قومی نظریہ"  کا مسئلہ اتر پردیش کا تھا اور اب بھی ھے۔ "دو قومی نظریہ"  پر ملک بننا تھا تو اتر پردیش کو مسلم اتر پردیش اور غیر مسلم اتر پردیش میں تقسیم کرکے بننا تھا۔ نہ کہ پنجابی ' سماٹ ' ھندکو ' بروھی قوموں کی زمین پر بننا تھا اور پنجاب کو تقسیم کرکے بننا تھا۔ جو کہ پہلے سے ھی مسلم اکثریتی علاقے تھے۔

بہرحال اس وقت پاکستان میں دو مذھبی قومیں نہیں ھیں۔ کیونکہ پاکستان کی 97٪ آبادی مسلمان ھونے کی وجہ سے پاکستان مذھبی نظریہ کی بنیاد پر ایک ھی مذھبی نظریہ والوں کی واضح اکثرت کا ملک ھے۔ جبکہ پاکستان لسانی نظریہ کی بنیاد پر چار قوموں پنجابی ' سماٹ ' ھندکو ' بروھی قوموں کا ملک ھے۔ بلکہ کشمیری ' گلگتی بلتستانی ' چترالی ' راجستھانی ' گجراتی ' پٹھان ' بلوچ ' اردو بولنے والی ھندوستانی برادریاں بھی پاکستان کی شہری ھیں۔

پہلے بھی "دو قومی نظریہ"  پنجاب ' سندھ ' خیبر پختونخوا ' بلوچستان کا مسئلہ نہیں تھا بلکہ اتر پردیش کا مسئلہ تھا اور اب بھی اتر پردیش کا مسئلہ ھے۔ اس لیے اتر پردیش والے جانیں اور اتر پردیش والوں کا مسئلہ جانے۔ پنجابی ' سماٹ ' ھندکو ' بروھی قومیں اور کشمیری ' گلگتی بلتستانی ' چترالی ' راجستھانی ' گجراتی ' پٹھان ' بلوچ ' اردو بولنے والی ھندوستانی برادریاں اپنے مسئلے پر دھیان دیں۔

چونکہ پنجابی ' سماٹ ' ھندکو ' بروھی قومیں اور کشمیری ' گلگتی بلتستانی ' چترالی ' راجستھانی ' گجراتی ' پٹھان ' بلوچ ' اردو بولنے والے ھندوستانی الگ الگ علاقوں میں رھنے کے بجائے پاکستان کے ھر علاقے میں مل جل کر رہ رھے ھیں۔ اس لیے پنجابی ' سماٹ ' ھندکو ' بروھی قوموں اور کشمیری ' گلگتی بلتستانی ' چترالی ' راجستھانی ' گجراتی ' پٹھان ' بلوچ ' اردو بولنے والی ھندوستانی برادریوں کے باھمی تعلقات اور تنازعات پر دھیان دینے کی ضرورت ھے۔ نہ کہ اتر پردیش کے "دو قومی نظریہ"  پر بحث و مباحثہ کرتے رھنے کی ضرورت ھے۔

قومون کی اپنی زمین ' زبان ' رسم و رواج ھوتے ھیں۔ پاکستان وادئ سندھ کی تہذیب والی زمین پر قائم ھے۔ وادئ سندھ کی تہذیب والی زمین کی درجہ بندی وادئ سندھ کی تہذیب کے پنجابی خطے۔ وادئ سندھ کی تہذیب کے سماٹ خطے۔ وادئ سندھ کی تہذیب کے ھندکو خطے۔ وادئ سندھ کی تہذیب کے براھوی خطے کے طور پر کی جاسکتی ھے۔ وادئ سندھ کی تہذیب کے اصل باشندے پنجابی ' سماٹ ' ھندکو ' براھوی ھیں۔

پاکستان ' پنجابی ' سماٹ ' ھندکو ' بروھی قوموں کا ملک ھے۔ پاکستان کی پنجابی ' سماٹ ' ھندکو ' بروھی قوموں کو اردو زبان بولنے پر مجبور کر کے ' گنگا جمنا کی رسمیں اختیار کرنے پر مجبور کر کے ' یوپی ' سی پی کے رواج اختیار کرنے پر مجبور کر کے ' پاکستانی قوم کیسے بنایا جا سکتا ھے؟

پاکستان کی زمین کی اصل وارث اور مالک پنجابی ' سماٹ ' ھندکو اور بروھی قوموں کے لیے "دو قومی نظریہ" ایک ناقابلِ عمل نظریہ تھا لیکن "دو قومی نظریہ" کی ناکامی کے بعد متبادل کے طور پر اب تک کوئی واضح نظریہ وجود میں نہ لانے کی وجہ سے پاکستان کی عوام پر دولت اور طاقت کے ذریعے حکمرانی کی جا رھی ھے۔ جسکی وجہ سے مالی وسائل رکھنے والے افراد کی طرف سے دولت کی بنیاد پر عوام کو فرقے ' علاقے ' نسل ' ذات اور برادری کی بنیاد پر ٹکڑیوں میں تقسیم کرکے عوام کا ھجوم اکٹھا کرکے حکومت حاصل کی جاتی ھے۔ حکومت حاصل کرنے کے بعد عوام کو بنیادی سہولیات اور انصاف فراھم کرنے کے بجائے حکومت کی طاقت کی بنیاد پر عوام پر راج کرکے عوام کے ساتھ ظلم اور زیادتیاں کی جا رھی ھیں۔ لیکن دولت اور طاقت کے ذریعے عوام پر راج کرنے والے بھی بے اطمینانی اور بے سکونی میں مبتلا ھیں۔ جبکہ ملک میں بھی بد امنی اور بد حالی بڑھتی جا رھی ھے۔

پاکستان کی عوام کو منظم اور مطمعن رکھنے ' عوام پر راج کرنے والوں کے اطمینان اور سکون جبکہ ملک میں بھی امن اور خوشحالی کے لیے ضروری ھے کہ پاکستان کی زمین کی اصل وارث اور مالک پنجابی ' سماٹ ' ھندکو اور بروھی قوموں اور پاکستان میں رھنے والی کشمیری ' گلگتی بلتستانی ' چترالی ' راجستھانی ' گجراتی ' پٹھان ' بلوچ ' اردو بولنے والی ھندوستانی برادریوں کے لیے "دو قومی" نظریہ جیسے ناکام نظریہ کی جگہ قابلِ عمل نظریہ وجود میں لایا جائے تاکہ دولت اور طاقت کی بنیاد پر پاکستان کی عوام پر راج کرنے والوں سے نجات ملے ' عوام کو بنیادی سہولیات اور انصاف فراھم ھوں اور پاکستان میں سے بد امنی اور بد حالی ختم ھو۔

Pakistan Ka Naam Punjabistan Kar Diya Jaay.

Pakistan k 1973 k constitution k matabaq tu Pakistan ki 97% population Muslim honay ki wajaah say Pakistan aik Islamic state hy jis ki wajaah say Pakistan k 3% Christian, Hindu, Sikh aur dosray religions k log es Islamic state Pakistan ki minorities hain.

Laykun, Pakistan k Sindhiyon, Balochon, Pathano aur Urdu Speaking Hindustani Muhajiron ka asraar hy k Pakistan ko Qoomon ka mulk tasleem kiya jaay ta k Punjabi Qoom, Muslim honay ki wajaah say Pakistan ki choti Qoomon par zulm ziyaadti na karay. Punjabi Qoom, Pakistan ki choti Qoomon k haqooq un ko day.

Pakistan ki choti Qoomon, Sindhiyon, Balochon, Pathano aur Urdu Speaking Hindustani Muhajiron k mataalbay ko tasleem kar k Pakistan k 1973 k constitution mein amendment kar k Pakistan ko Islamic state k bajaay Qoomon ka state declair kar diya jaay.

Pakistan mein chon k Sindhiyon ki populatin 12% hy, Balochon ki populatin 4% hy, Pathano ki populatin 8% hy aur Urdu Speaking Hindustani Muhajiron ki populatin 8% hy jub k Punjabiyon ki populatin 60% hy. Es liay Pakistan ko Muslim state k bajaay Qoomon ka state declair karnay ki wajaah say Pakistan nay Islamic state k bajaay Punjabi state bun jaana hy.

Pakistan k Punjabi state bun jaanay ki wajaah say Sindhiyon, Balochon, Pathano aur Urdu Speaking Hindustani Muhajiron nay chon k Punjabi state Pakistan ki minorities hoona hy es liay 1973 k constitution mein amendment kar k Pakistan ko Islamic state k bajaay Qoomon ka state declair kartay waqt Pakistan ka naam bhe Pakistan k bajaay Punjabistan kar diya jaay ta k Punjabi state Punjabistan ki Sindhi, Baloch, Pathan aur Urdu Speaking Hindustani Muhajir minorities k sath zulm ziyaadti na ho aur Punjabistan ki Punjabi aksaryati Qoom Sindhi, Baloch, Pathan aur Urdu Speaking Hindustani Muhajir minorities k haqooq un ko apnay haath say day.

Wednesday, 29 March 2017

بابا فرید الدین مسعود گنج شکر.

فرید الدین مسعود (1173-1266) نوں پنجابی دا پہلا شاعر تے اک پیر گنیا جاندا اے۔ اوہ پیراں دی اک ٹولی چشتیہ دے آگو سن۔ اوہ ملتان دے نیڑے جمیا تے چوکھا جیون پاکپتن لنگہایا تے اوہتھے ای اوہنوں دبیا گیا۔ اوہدی شاعری دے کج حصے سکھ مت دی پوتھی گرنتھ صاحب وچ ہے نیں۔

فرید الدین مسعود دا اصل ناں مسعود سی تے فرید الدین اوہناں اپنے ناں نال جوڑیا۔ اوہدے ناں نال گنج شکر جوڑیا جاندا اے پر اوہناں دے ویلے تے مگروں کسے تھاں تے گنج شکر دا ناں نہیں ملدا۔ فرید دے شگرد تے اوہناں مگروں چشتیہ ٹولی دے آگو نظام الدین نے کسے تھاں تے وی گنج شکر دا شبد اوہناں لئی نہیں ورتیا۔ نظام الدین فرید نال چوکھا چر لنگھایا تے اوہ فرید دے ٹبر نوں وی جاندے سن۔ پیراں دی جیون کتھا تے فرید دے مرن مگروں دو سو ورے دے چر نال لکھی گئی کتاب سیرت اولیاء وچ وی کدے گنج شکر دا ناں ورتیا گیا تے ناں ایں کسے ایس ناں نال رلدی کرامت بارے لکھیا اے۔

فرید الدین مسعود 1173 نوں ملتان دے نیڑے اک پنڈ کوٹھے وال چ جمے۔ اونہاں دے پیو دا ناں جمال الدین سلیمان تے ماں دا ناں مریم بیبی سی۔ مسعود دے پرکھ افغانی سن۔ منگولاں دی چڑھائی تے وڈاٹکی توں کابل ولوں اوہ پنجاب ول جان بچان لئی آۓ۔ اوس توں پجھے اوہناں دے پرکھاں بارے کوئی گل پک نال نہیں ملدی۔ ورید دا پیو اپنے پن دی مسیت دا امام سی۔ اوہناں دے گھر پنڈ دی مسیت دا امام ہون باجوں کوئی پیس ٹکا تے کوئی نہیں سی پر فرید تے اوہدا بھرا پڑھ لکھ گۓ۔ فرید نے کج ویلا دلی تے ہانسی چ گزاریا۔ قطب الدین بختیار کاکی فرید دے گرو سن۔ اجودھن جاندیاں ہوئیاں فریدکوٹ وچ اونہاں دا میل نظام الدین اولیاء نال ہویا جیڑے بعد چ اونہاں دے خلیفہ بنے۔ قطب الدین بختیار کاکی دے مرن مگروں فرید اوہناں دے خلیفہ ہؤۓ۔

اجودھن جیہڑا مگروں پاکپتن اخوایا اوتھے فرید نے انت دا جیون گزاریا۔ اوہناں دے بارے نہیں پتہ جے گزارا کنج ہوندا سی پر لکھتاں توں ایہو ای دسد اے جے لوکاں دے دتے تے گزارا سی۔ جیون بہت سادھ سی۔ بابا فرید بارے اینے پلیکھے پۓ نیں جے اوہناں بارے اصل کہانی قصیاں وچ ای دبی کئی اے۔ بابا فرید دی موویاں نال ناں بنی۔ بابا فرید ہوریں اپنی مسیت وج گاندے تے نچدے سن تے موسیقی وی وجاندے سن۔ تھاں دے قاضی ایس گل دے خلاف سن تے ایہناں نوں تے ایہناں دیاں جواکاں نوں پیڑا کیندے سن پر ایہ گل کوئی نویکلی نہیں سی اوہناں دے مرشد تے گرو قطب الدین بختیار کاکی تے معین الدین چشتی وی ایہ ای کردے سن۔ بابا فرید دی موت 1266 وچ وئی تے اوہنا نوں پاکپتن وچ ای دبیا گیا۔

بابا فرید نوں پنجابی دا پہلا شاعر منیا جاندا اے۔ سکھ مت دے گرو، گرو نانک نے 120 دے نیڑے شعر تے نظماں سکھاں دی پوتر گرنتھ صاحب وچ پائیاں نیں۔

بابا فرید دے پنج پتر تے تن دھیاں سن۔ رنجیت سنگھ دے ویلے بابافرید دا ٹبر پاکپتن تے راج کردا سی تے رنجیت نوں ٹیکس دیندا سی۔


بابا فرید دے ناں توں پعارتی پنجاب چ فریدکوٹ دے ناں دا اک شہر وی وسدا اے۔ پعارتی سرکار نے ایتھے بابا فرید یونیورسٹی آف ہیلتھ سائینسز وی بنائی اے۔ اونہاں دے ناں تے اک یونیورسٹی ساہیوال پاکستان چ وی بنائی گئی اے۔

Monday, 27 March 2017

29th March. A Black Day For The Punjabi Nation.

In 1758, Punjab came under the rule of Marathas who captured the region by defeating Afghan forces of Ahmad Shah Abdali. Abdali's Indian invasion weakened the Maratha influence, but he could not defeat the Sikhs. At the formation of the Dal Khalsa in 1748 at Amritsar, the Punjab had been divided into 36 areas and 12 separate Sikh principalities, called misl. From this point onward, the beginnings of a Punjabi Sikh Empire emerged. Out of the 36 areas, 22 were united by Maharaja Ranjit Singh. The other 14 accepted British sovereignty.

Ten years after Ranjit Singh's death, the empire broke up and the British were then able to defeat Punjab with the help of some Hindu Dogra kings. The Sikh State of Punjab was the only Indian state which was not under European rule at that time.

The death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in June 1839 was followed by political instability and rapidly changed of government in the Punjab. Selfish and corrupt leaders came to the front. Ultimately, power fell into the hands of the brave and patriotic but utterly undisciplined army. This led the British to look greedily across the Sutlej upon the land on the five rivers even though they had signed a treaty in 1809.

The First Anglo-Sikh War (1845-1846): The decisive battle was fought at Sobraon on February 10, 1846, and the Sikhs under Ranjit Singh Majithia were routed. The English then crossed the Sutlej on February 13 and captured the capital of Lahore on February 20. The Sikhs were defeated due to treachery and half-heartedness of their leaders. The war came to an end by the Treaty of Lahore which was signed on 9th March 1846. This treaty left the Sikhs with no capacity for resisting the English. Another treaty was made with the Sikhs on 16th December 1846, this treaty is known as Second Treaty of Lahore or the Treaty of Bhairowal

The second Anglo-Sikh war began in 1848 as the Sikhs were feeling humiliated due to their defeat in the first Anglo-Sikh war. However, the immediate cause was the rebellion of Mulraj, Governor of Multan, against the company. This provided the new Governor-General Lord Dalhousie, a chance to interfere in the affairs of Punjab and annex Punjab in the British empire. The English and the Sikh forces fought at Ramnagar, Chillianwala, and Gujarat. The battle at Gujarat under the command of Sir Charles Napier was decisive. Punjab was annexed to the British dominion on 29th March 1849. Dalip Singh, the minor son of Ranjit Singh, and his mother, Rani Jindan, were pensioned off and sent to England.

The transfer of the Delhi territory from the North-Western (later the United) Provinces to Punjab, Punjab with its dependencies was formed into a Lieutenant-Governorship, Sir John Lawrence, then Chief Commissioner being appointed the first Lieutenant-Governor on January 1, 1859. In this office, he was succeeded by Sir Robert Montgomery (1859), Sir Donald McLeod(1865), Sir Henry Durand (1870), Sir Henry Davies (1871), Sir Robert Egerton (1877), Sir Charles Aitchison (1882), Sir James Lyall (1887), Sir Dennis Fitzpatrick (1892), Sir Macworth Young (1897), Sir Charles Rivaz (1902), Sir Denzil Ibbetson (1907) and Sir Louis Dane (1908).

In 1866, the Judicial Commissioner was replaced by a Chief Court. The direct administrative functions of the Government were carried out through the Lieutenant-Governor through the Secretariat, comprising a Chief Secretary, a Secretary, and two Under-Secretaries. They were usually members of the Indian Civil Service.

The territory under the Lieutenant consisted of 29 Districts, grouped under 5 Divisions, and 43 Princely States. Each District was under a Deputy-Commissioner, who reported to the Commissioner of the Division. Each District was subdivided into 3 to 7 tahsils, each under a tahsildar, assisted by a naib (deputy) tahsildar.

At the time of partition in 1947, the province was split into East and West Punjab. East Punjab (about 35%) became part of India, while West Punjab (65%) became part of Pakistan. The Punjab bore the brunt of the civil unrest following the end of the British Raj, with casualties estimated in the millions.

The British Raj had political, cultural, philosophical and literary consequences in the Punjab, including the establishment of a new system of education. During the independence movement, many Punjabis played a significant role, including Ajit Singh Sandhu, Bhagat Singh, Udham Singh, Kartar Singh Sarabha, Bhai Parmanand, Ilam Din Shaheed and Lajpat Rai.

In a matter of fact, after Bengali nation and Hindi-Urdu Speaking UP, CP people of Gunga Jumna culture, Punjabi was the third biggest nation in South Asia and for the British, Punjab was a frontier province of British India because, Punjab had boundaries with Afghanistan, Russia, and China. Therefore, to rule the South Asia, the prime factor for the British rulers was to control the Punjab by dominating or eliminating the Punjabi nation.

British rulers were well aware of the fact that, they succeeded to capture the Punjab but they has not concurred the Punjabi nation. Therefore, British rulers imposed martial law in Punjab to govern Punjab and due to a fear from Punjabi nationalism; British rulers started to eliminate the Punjabi nation into fractions by switching over the characteristics of Muslim Punjabi, Hindu Punjabi, and Sikh Punjabi from  “ Affinity of Nation to Emotions of Religion”.

For demolishing the nationalism and promoting the religious fundamentalism in the Punjab, British rulers, not allowed the Punjabis to use their mother tongue as an educational and official language. Therefore, the British rulers first introduced the Urdu as an official language in Punjab and they brought the Urdu-speaking Muslim Mullahs and Hindi-speaking Hindu Pundits from UP, CP to Punjab for the purpose of educational teaching of Punjabi people along with, UP, CP bureaucracy, and establishment for the purpose of Punjab administration.

It resulted in the supremacy of UP-ites and UP-ite mindsets in policy making and decision taking in national affairs and foreign relationship of Punjabi nation, managed, motivated and sponsored by the British rulers to eliminate the Muslim, Sikh, Hindu and Christian Punjabi’s into different religions and languages to secure their rule over last captured land and martial race of the subcontinent.

As a result, the Punjabi nation became a socially and politically depressed and deprived nation due to the domination of Urdu-Hindi language, the hegemony of Gunga Jumna culture and the supremacy of UP-ite traditions.

However, beside all the efforts of British rulers to demolish and eliminate the Punjabi nation, due to struggle of Punjabi nationalists during British rule in India, beside the dissimilarity of religion, because of natural affinity on ground of similar language, culture and tradition, Muslim Punjabi, Hindu Punjabi, Sikh Punjabi and Christian Punjabi were still a nation. Religion was a personal subject for building the moral character and spiritual development for the life of the hereafter. Punjabi nationalism was a subject for the worldly life affairs. Whereas, clans moreover, communities were the institutions for social interaction and charity work. Punjab was a secular region, the Punjabi language was a respectable language, Punjabi culture was an honorable culture and the Punjabi nation was a wealthy nation in the British India.

In the 19th century, due to politics of congress, dominated by the Hindi speaking, UP-ite Hindu leaders of UP, CP, Hindu Punjabi's started to prefer the Hindi language instead of Punjabi by declaring the Hindi as a language of Hindus and started to become clones of Gunga Jumna culture and traditions with the loss of their own Punjabi identity. Later on, Muslim Punjabi’s did the same and started to become the clones of Gunga Jumna culture and traditions with the loss of their own Punjabi identity, because of preferring the Urdu language upon Punjabi by declaring the Urdu as a language of Muslims, due to the influence of the Muslim League, dominated by the Urdu speaking, UP-ite Muslim leaders of UP, CP and presence of UP-ite Muslims in Punjab. 

As a consequence of preferring Hindi language by Hindu Punjabi’s by declaring the Hindi as a language of Hindus and preferring the Urdu language by the Muslim Punjabi’s by declaring the Urdu as a language of Muslims, the characteristics of assimilation to accomplish the sociological instinct started to switch over from “ Affinity of Nation to Emotions of Religion” and “A Great Nation of Sub-Continent Got Divided on Ground of Religion with Partition of Punjab and Got Emerged into Muslim and Hindu States, Pakistan and India”.

Hence, it started the fall of Punjabi nation and Punjabi people started to receive the reward of hate and regret from every honorable nation, in addition, the humiliation, loathing, and abuse from Hindi-Urdu speaking persons too.

This was the punishment of Punjabi's for not respecting their motherland, language, culture, and traditions, due to avoiding, ignoring and rejecting the act of unity by natural affinity and attraction of the various tribes, castes and the inhabitants of the Punjab into a broader common "Punjabi" identity.

Therefore, since the partition of British India, socially and politically, the Punjabi nation is a confused, depressed and deprived nation due to "Dilemma of Division of Punjab and Punjabi Nation", "Trauma of Massacre of 2 Million Punjabis" and " Shock of World Largest Mass Migration". Therefore, Punjabi's are hanging to relocate their ideology that; The dominant factor of their identity should be their nation? The dominant factor of their identity should be their religion? The dominant factor of their identity should be their state?

At present, the Punjabi nation is composed of 56% Muslim Punjabi community of Punjabi nation, 26% Hindu Punjabi community of Punjabi nation, 14% Sikh Punjabi community of Punjabi nation, 4% Christian Punjabi community of Punjabi nation.

After the division of British India with the creation of Pakistan, the Muslim Punjabi community of Punjabi nation and Christian Punjabi community of Punjabi nation opted Pakistan as their state, whereas, the Hindu Punjabi community of Punjabi nation and Sikh Punjabi community of Punjabi nation opted India as their state.

Although, Pakistani Muslim Punjabis are the majority population of Pakistan and they have total control on the agricultural sector, trade sector, industrial sector, educational institutions, skilled professions, media organizations, political organizations, civil bureaucracy, the military establishment and foreign affair institutions of Pakistan. But, since from creation of Pakistan, Pakistani Muslim Punjabis has felt uncomfortable and upset due to the insulting attitude and behavior with Pakistani Muslim Punjabis regarding social respect and regard of Punjabi people by the Non-Punjabi Muslims, victimization with the Punjabis in Sind, Karachi, Baluchistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, hurdles in socioeconomic stability of the Pakistani Muslim Punjabi Community in Pakistan, conspiracies in the prosperity and integrity of Punjab by the Non-Punjabi Muslims of Pakistan.

Lot’s of time, Punjabi nationalists tried to gather and unite the Pakistani Muslim Punjabis for the struggle to achieve the goal of social respect and regard of Punjabi people, for fair treatment with the Pakistani Muslim Punjabis in Sind, Karachi, Baluchistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, to remove the obstacles in socioeconomic stability of Pakistani Muslim Punjabis, to counter the conspiracies in prosperity and integrity of Punjab. But, the effort of uniting Pakistani Muslim Punjabis without stimulating awareness of their Punjabi identity in Punjabi masses and without providing them the consciousness of their Punjabi ideology, the effort of Punjabi nationalists always remained frail, fruitless and useless.

However, now it seems that Punjabi nationalists are succeeded in stimulating awareness of Punjabi identity in Pakistani Muslim Punjabi masses, therefore, now Punjabi nationalists are in the struggle to promote Punjabi language, culture, and traditions, along with, demand from Government of Punjab to implement Punjabi as an educational and official language of Punjab. But, it is an initial stage.

Punjabi nationalists are required to move forward and relocate the ideology of Punjabi nation too. Because, ideology is an orientation that characterizes the thinking of a group or nation and due to becoming clones of Urdu speaking, Gunga Jumna culture, people of UP, CP, Pakistani Muslim Punjabis had lost their characteristic of thinking as a Punjabi and they became addicted to acting as a Pakistani Muslim only by ignoring or withdrawing from their natural Punjabi affinity.

As the nation, religion, and state are realities, because their functions, intentions, principles, purposes, reasons, rules, and utilities are different, therefore, now Punjabi nationalists are required to provide the consciousness of Punjabi ideology too, to the Pakistani Muslim Punjabi masses, that;

1. They are inhabitants of the historic land of five rivers called as Punjab, their language is Punjabi, their culture is Punjabi and they attain the Punjabi traditions, therefore, without discrimination of race, color, creed or religion, they are Punjabi and they are the part of Punjabi nation. That's why, as a Punjabi and being the largest population in the 9th biggest nation and Punjabi speaking population of the world and the 3rd biggest nation of South Asia, they are supposed to build up the respectable social, economic and political interaction with other religious communities of the Punjabi Nation, as well as, political stability, economic growth and social respect of their nation in the worldly life affairs.

2. They follow the teachings of Islam, therefore, without discrimination of race, color, creed or nation, they are Muslim and they are the part of Muslim Ummah. That's why, as a Muslim Punjabi and being the 3rd largest ethnic community in the Muslim Ummah, they are supposed to practice Islam for their moral character building and the spiritual development of the life of the hereafter, moreover, respectable social, economic and political interaction with other ethnic communities of the Muslim Ummah.

3. They are the citizens of Pakistan, therefore, without discrimination of race, color, creed or nation, they are Pakistani and they are the part of the Pakistani State (A state composed of the area of Indus Valley Civilization). That's why, as a Pakistani Muslim Punjabi and being the largest ethnic population in Pakistan, they are supposed to take part in the political stability, economic growth and social respect of their state Pakistan, furthermore, respectable social, economic and political interaction with other ethnic communities of Pakistan.

After division of British India with creation of Pakistan, the Christian Punjabi community of Punjabi nation also opted the Pakistan as their state, therefore, revival of Punjabi nationalism in the biggest religious community in Punjabi nation, i.e; Muslim Punjabi community of Punjabi nation will directly benefit the Christian Punjabi community of Punjabi nation due to creation of atmosphere and circumstances to accelerate the respectable social, economic and political interaction of Punjabi Muslims with the Punjabi Christians because, both the communities are part of same nation. For the purpose, Pakistani Christian Punjabis are required to determine that;

1. They are inhabitants of the historic land of five rivers called as Punjab, their language is Punjabi, their culture is Punjabi and they attain the Punjabi traditions, therefore, without discrimination of race, color, creed or religion, they are Punjabi and they are the part of Punjabi nation. That's why, as a Punjabi and being the largest population in the 9th biggest nation and Punjabi speaking population of the world and the 3rd biggest nation of South Asia, they are supposed to build up the respectable social, economic and political interaction with other religious communities of the Punjabi Nation, as well as, political stability, economic growth and social respect of their nation in the worldly life affairs.

2. They follow the teachings of Lord Jesus Christ, therefore, without discrimination of race, color, creed or nation, they are Christian and they are the part of Christian Ummah. That's why, as a Christian Punjabi, they are supposed to practice Christianity for their moral character building and the spiritual development of the life of the hereafter, moreover, respectable social, economic and political interaction with other ethnic communities of the Christian Ummah.

3. They are the citizens of Pakistan, therefore, without discrimination of race, color, creed or nation, they are Pakistani and they are the part of the Pakistani State (A state composed of the area of Indus Valley Civilization). That's why, as a Pakistani Christian Punjabi and being the largest ethnic population in Pakistan, they are supposed to take part in the political stability, economic growth and social respect of their state Pakistan, furthermore, respectable social, economic and political interaction with other ethnic communities of Pakistan.

The Pakistani Muslim Punjabi community of Punjabi nation and Christian Punjabi community of Punjabi nation are the 60% population of Pakistan and Punjabis has total control on the agricultural sector, trade sector, industrial sector, educational institutions, skilled professions, media organizations, political organizations, civil bureaucracy, military establishment and foreign affair institutions of Pakistan. But, due to only 2% population of India, the Hindu Punjabi community of Punjabi nation and Sikh Punjabi community of Punjabi nation is not in a position to dominate the state of India. However, to participate in the revival of Punjabi nationalism, Indian Hindu Punjabi community of Punjabi nation and Indian Sikh Punjabi community of Punjabi nation is also required to determine their role; 1. As a Punjabi 2. As a Hindu/Sikh Punjabi. 3. As an Indian Hindu/Sikh Punjabi.

Lahore’s Exiled Prince Maharaja Daleep Singh.

The fascinating tale of Maharaja Daleep Singh who relinquished the Koh-i-Noor to become the most prominent fixture in Queen Victoria’s court. But his Indian past came back to haunt him, writes Ammar Ali Qureshi

Maharaja Ranjit Singh is arguably the most remarkable figure in Punjab’s history. His son and last ruler of the Sikh Empire, Daleep Singh, is perhaps the most tragic. Ranjit succeeded his father as head of a small confederacy at the age of ten and, owing to his military genius, became the ruler of Punjab when he was twenty-one. He turned the tide of history by taking the battle to the land of the invaders on the western front, and conquered them; His empire, which lasted for fifty years from 1799 to 1849, stretched from the southern districts of Punjab to Afghanistan in the west Kashmir (which also included Ladakh and Gilgit and Baltistan) in the north-east, and up to Sutlej (which flows through Indian states of Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pardesh) in the east. Ranjit’s greatest achievement, however, was not military but political conquest, as he was able to unite Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs under one banner.

Ranjit Singh died in 1839 and in just ten years a combination of treacherous and intriguing courtiers, incompetent rulers, and an assertive and aggressive but leaderless army brought the empire of an exceptional man to a humiliating end. Within four years of Ranjit’s death, his three successors were murdered; Daleep Singh, born in Lahore in 1838 to Ranjit’s youngest wife Maharani Jind Kaur, became the boy-king at the age of five in 1843 with his ambitious mother as the regent.

Following Ranjit’s death and during the rule of his weak successors, the Punjab Khalsa army emerged as the kingmaker, the most powerful player in the state which dictated its demands through its delegates known as Panchayats or Committees of Five. Maharani Jind Kaur and her scheming courtiers were wary of the army’s power and devised a plan to tame it by provoking it to invade British territory across the Sutlej, in the hope that it would be cut down to size by the British or its energies would be exhausted in the campaigns of conquest.

It turned out to be a major miscalculation as the British coveted
Punjab and considered Lahore Durbar an obstacle in their expansion plans. The invasion gave them the impetus to move eastward, defeating the Khalsa army, after fiercely fought battles, in the First Anglo-Sikh War in 1846. The Maharani was removed from the guardianship of her son, imprisoned initially in Punjab and later banished to Benares in present-day Uttar Pradesh, from where she escaped to Nepal and lived there virtually as a prisoner till 1861. Daleep Singh was placed under the guardianship of the Council of Regency, controlled by a British Resident, till his eventual dethronement when Punjab was annexed in 1849.

The Anglo-Sikh wars of 1846 and 1849 were the fiercest and deadliest that the British encountered in India. So grave was the situation that the British Governor General, Sir Henry Hardinge, had to come to the aid of the British Commander in Chief, Sir Hugh Gough, and served under him. On the Punjab Khalsa army side, it was a lack of efficient leadership which resulted in defeat, although they were able to inflict colossal losses on the British. The rank and file of the Khalsa army put up the bravest and steadiest of fights against the British. However, their military generals were political figures, appointed by the ruling family, who lacked military expertise, indulged in double-dealing, and were traitors within the gates.

In 1845, the Sikh Generals crossed the
Sutlej but deliberately did not attack Ferozepur, the forward British base. The battles were fought at Mudki, Ferozeshah, Aliwal, and Sabraon – all of them fiercely contested by both sides. Each of these battles might have been a defeat for the British if the traitorous Punjabi military commanders had not left the field. The same story was repeated in 1849 in the battles of Ramnagar, Chilianwala and Gujrat – as the Sikh soldiers fought fearlessly but were let down by their commanders. “No troops could have fought better,” observed military historian G.B Malleson, “than the Sikhs fought, no army could have been worse led. Had a guiding mind directed the movements of the Sikh army, nothing could have saved the exhausted British.”

The conditions of surrender in 1849 required Daleep to renounce his title to the sovereignty of
Punjab, ordered confiscation of state property, and demanded the surrender of the spectacular and sparkling Koh-i-Noor diamond to Queen Victoria. Daleep, in return, was granted a pension, provided he remained “obedient to the British Government”.

Rajmohan Gandhi writes about the end of Lahore Durbar in his recently published history of Punjab: “On 29 March 1849, a ten-year-old Dalip Singh was told to sign a document. Writing his name in Roman letters, the boy-king renounced, on his behalf and on behalf of all heirs and successors, every ‘right, title or claim’ to Punjab. All of the Kingdom’s property, including the Koh-i-noor and other jewels, now belonged to the British. The Sikh kingdom gone, all of Punjab was annexed to British India. The proclamation of annexation read out that day was received by those present with silence”.

In 1850, Daleep was moved to Fatehgarh, a center of Christian missionaries located on the bank of the
Ganges in present-day Uttar Pradesh, and placed under the guardianship of a Scottish army doctor, Dr. John Login. Previously tutored in Persian and Gurmukhi, Daleep was taught English in addition to Persian and made to read the Bible. Ostensibly, he had been removed from Punjab due to fear of further rebellion, but the real plan was to convert Daleep to Christianity and exile him to England. In 1853 Daleep converted to Christianity, which as the British Governor General wrote rendered Daleep politically irrelevant to the Sikhs, and sailed to England a year later, receiving a twenty-one gun salute at Malta and Gibraltar after a brief stopover in Egypt.

He arrived in London in the summer of 1854 and very soon was invited by Buckingham Palace. The first meeting between the fifteen-year old Indian prince and thirty five-year old Queen Victoria, who would continue to have profound influence on his subsequent life, went very well and Daleep became an instant favourite of the British monarch. She described him as ‘extremely handsome’ and possessing ‘a graceful and dignified manner’. She was so impressed that she commissioned her favourite artist to paint his portrait. Prince Albert, her husband, had a special coat of arms designed for him.

Although
Victoria never visited India, she was drawn to all things Indian and enjoyed the company of the English-speaking young Maharajah. She remained a friend and a supporter to his last day as their relationship weathered many storms in the next four decades. Daleep was regularly invited to all social events at Buckingham Palace and was addressed as “Your Serene Highness”. He partied with the crème de la crème of Victorian Britain and seduced a string of society beauties.

Her Majesty even tried her hand at match-making and suggested the exiled Raja of Coorg’s daughter, who was also her god-daughter, as a suitable match to Daleep, who politely declined saying that he wanted to wait till the age of twenty-one or twenty-two before he got married. Interestingly, Daleep, a few years later, introduced the exiled princess to an English widower, whom she married.

As an infant in
Punjab, Daleep loved falconry and learned to hunt and shoot. In England, he took to the countryside and indulged in his passion of game-shooting. He travelled through Europe in 1857 and it was in Geneva when he first came to know about the Indian revolt and mutiny in Meerut. Daleep was unwilling to condemn it and when the British foreign secretary complained about his attitude to the queen, she answered that a young Indian prince, barred from his ancestral throne and forced to live in Britain, should not be expected to denounce Indians.

Back in 1849 Daleep had been coerced to hand over the Koh-i-Noor to the British Governor General in
India. One day when he was having his usual conversations with Queen Victoria at Buckingham Palace she showed him the famous diamond. Daleep took it towards the window and examined it intensely for more than half an hour without uttering a word. Her Majesty’s staff displayed anxiety as they thought he might throw it out of the window but Daleep came back to the queen and handed it back to her with the words: ‘It is to me, Madam, the greatest pleasure thus to have the opportunity, as a loyal subject, of myself tendering to my sovereign the Koh-i-Noor!”

Daleep enjoyed the life of an English country gentleman and acquired, through a British government loan, a sprawling 17,000 acre estate at Elveden, Suffolk, located in the north-east of
London. He loved his Elveden estate and converted it into an Indian-style palace, the interiors done up in Mughal and Indian décor and equipped with expensive carpets, ceramics and glassware. Elveden had a huge aviary which housed his rare collection of birds and a number of cheetahs, leopards and monkeys were kept in a menagerie. Turning Elveden into one of the best sporting venues in the country, Daleep reveled in hosting parties for Victorian aristocracy where the Prince of Wales was a regular guest for shooting games.

In 1861, Daleep travelled to
India and brought his mother to Britain. He was not permitted to visit Punjab and had an emotional reunion with his mother, meeting her after nearly 14 years, in Calcutta, which was then the capital of British India. Maharani Jind was perceived by the British as a bad influence and an intriguer by disposition. Back in London, she was not allowed to live with Daleep and was lodged up in Kensington in west London. Her residence was a source of wonder for her London neighbours who would often stop to have a look at the basement, where her Indian cooks would be busy preparing her food, and sniff the pungent smells of Indian curry!

British suspicions about Maharani Jind were not unfounded; she informed Daleep about the supposed prophecy of the tenth Sikh guru regarding an exiled prince who would come back to rule
Punjab. This prophecy would bother Daleep’s mind a lot in years to come. Maharani was in poor health, nearly blind, and suddenly died in 1863. Daleep again travelled to India to cremate her in Bombay as he was not allowed to visit Punjab, although his mother had wanted her ashes to be interred at Maharaja Ranjit Singh memorial in Lahore.

On his way back, he stopped at
Cairo and married, in June 1864, a missionary school teacher, Bamba Muller, an illegitimate daughter of an Ethiopian Coptic slave and Ludwig Muller who was a German businessman. Bamba lived with him in Elveden and gave birth to seven children – two of whom died in infancy. His five children – two sons and three daughters-lived like royalty in the sprawling mansion. Both sons – Victor and Fredrick – went to Eton and Cambridge and gained commission in the British army. His three daughters – Bamba, Sophia and Catherine studied at Oxford.

Daleep Singh’s life can be divided into four distinct phases: boy-king, dethronement and banishment outside
Punjab, exile to England and life as an English country gentleman, and a rebel who plotted but did not succeed in reclaiming his throne. The last phase of his life started around 1880 when he read for the first time about the circumstances leading to his dethronement and conditions attached with annexation. Swayed by feelings of resentment and revenge and spurred on by the prophecy of the tenth guru, Daleep entered into a long battle with the British government, arguing about the illegality of the annexation of Punjab and demanded that he be reinstated as the Maharaja.

Victoria offered him peerage in the House of Lords but he declined although he was facing financial problems and his health had begun to deteriorate. He read; he schemed; he failed. British spies kept a close eye on him and intercepted his mail to foil his plans. Having resigned the stipend given to him by the British government, Daleep, along with his family, boarded the ship, in 1886, and informed the government that he was going to India to reclaim his throne. He was detained at Aden in Yemen where he re-embraced the Sikh faith. Daleep sent his family back to England but himself went to Paris.

He lived in
Paris for six years, dreaming and planning to return to India. Conspiring with Russian and Irish revolutionaries in Paris, he escaped to Russia but could not get an audience with the Czar although he wrote on his file that he could be used at some later stage. Fate had not yet finished her sport with Daleep. His Russian patron suddenly passed away and with him died any chances of winning over any Russian support for his plan to enter Punjab through the Khyber Pass.

His wife expired in England while he was in Russia but in Paris he had acquired an English mistress, Ada Wetherhill, whom he married on his return to Paris and had two daughters with – Alexandra and Ada Irene Helene. By then his health had started deteriorating as his financial position became weaker by the day. His son tried to bring about reconciliation between him and Queen Victoria, who met him in
France, in 1891, and pardoned him as he wept through the meeting.

Daleep was born in a royal palace in
Lahore and brought up by a legion of servants and courtiers. He inherited the most powerful and rich of the Indian states, which was many times larger than Britain. But in October 1893, Daleep passed away in a small hotel room in Paris, alone and penniless. His dead body was taken back to Elveden where he was buried, next to his first wife and youngest son, in the church’s graveyard.

Princess Bamba Sofia, his eldest daughter, went to India in 1924 and took her grandmother’s ashes from Bombay to Lahore to be interred there as per her wish. Bamba settled in Lahore, married the Principal of King Edward Medical College, Mr Sutherland, and died in
Lahore in 1957 – ten years after partition. Daleep’s one son and three daughters married but surprisingly none of them had any children – bringing Ranjit’s lineage to an end after two generations although his name continues to inspire many.


The author’s ancestors served as chief Qazis of
Punjab during the reigns of Ranjit Singh and his successors till the fall of the Lahore Durbar in 1849. He tweets @AmmarAliQureshi and can be contacted at ammar_ali@yahoo.com

Annexation of Punjab to British India on 29 March 1849.

Ranjit Singh, the chief of the Sukarchakiya misl (one of the 12 misls or confederations) conquered the Lahore in 1799. In 1805, he also snatched Amritsar from Bhangi Misl. He attacked the areas across the river Sutlej and brought many Sikh chieftains under his suzerainty. Soon Ranjit Singh took over Multan, Kashmir, and Peshawar also. However, he signed the Treaty of Amritsar, also called the Treaty of Perpetual Friendship, in 1809 under which he accepted the East India Company's greater right over the cis-Sutlej territories.

Highlights of Ranjit Singh's Administration.

1. Training of army on European lines with the help of French officers Ventura and Allard.
2. Setting up an artillery unit.
3. Introduction of payment of monthly salary to the soldiers.
4. Appointment of Fakir Aziz-ud-din, a Muslim, as Foreign Minister
5. Appointment of Dina Nath, a Hindu, as Finance Minister
6. Establishment of a special court at Lahore where Maharaja himself heard cases and passed judgments.
7. Establishments of a well-organized state.
8. Shelter to the Afghan King, Shah Shuja, who had been pushed out of his country (the Afghan king gave Kohinoor diamond to Ranjit Singh.)

The death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in June 1839 was followed by political instability and rapidly changed of government in the Punjab. Selfish and corrupt leaders came to the front. Ultimately, power fell into the hands of the brave and patriotic but utterly indiscipline army. This led the British to look greedily across the Sutlej upon the land on the five rivers even though they had signed a treaty in 1809.

The British governor-general Lord Dalhousie, which finally put an end to the sovereignty of the Sikh Empire of Punjab, was the result of a chain of events that had followed the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh ten years earlier. Internal dissensions and treachery had caused the defeat of the Sikh army at the hands of the British in the first Anglo-Sikh war (1845-46). When on 16 December 1846, the Lahore Darbar was forced to sign the treaty of Bhyrowal (Bharoval), the kingdom of the Punjab was made a virtual British protectorate.

The Regent was pensioned off; the British assumed the guardianship of the young Maharaja Duleep Singh during his minority, and a British Resident was appointed to direct and control the entire civil and military administration of the State of Lahore with a council of ministers nominated by himself for political, financial and military reasons, Lord Hardinge, the then Governor-General of India, had avoided annexation of the territory which was vaguely hinted at but not pressed upon him by Sir Robert Peel`s government.

The Whig opposition in British Parliament however strongly assailed the decision. Hardinge offered the plea that the arrangement of Bharoval was in reality annexation, minus the disadvantages the direct acquisition would have entailed. The Marquis of Dalhousie, the new governor general, who arrived in India in January 1848 scarcely approved of Hardinge`s "annexation without encumbrances."

In April 1848 Diwan Mul Raj`s revolt at Multan opened the prospect of a fresh war in the Punjab. On the very day (4 May) Dalhousie received Resident Frederick Currie`s report of the incident at Multan, he wrote to the Home government: "I shall feel it my duty as the servant of the Company and Crown to exact national reparation from the State of Lahore."

The Multan revolt in which two British officers, Vans Agnew and William Anderson, were murdered by Mul Raj`s troops in their camp at the Tdgah may, at the most, be described a local mutiny, which could have easily been suppressed by the dispatch of a few British regiments. The whole incident was unpremeditated and Mul Raj had nothing to do with it. But Lord Hugh Gough, the British commander in chief, forbore from any immediate action with a view to letting the trouble spread.

Lord Dalhousie accepted Gough`s view of the situation, and pointed out to the Home government the advantages of temporary inaction, waiting meanwhile for a full-scale invasion of the Punjab. Meanwhile, in England, no one was convinced that the Multan affair would become a national rising of the Sikhs in the Punjab, and eyebrows were raised at the resolution by Government of India to have " a grand hunt in the cold season." However, nothing was done for full five months to quell the Multan revolt. In August, for the first time, Dal Housie signified to his friends in England that "the fight to annex the Punjab is beyond cavil.

In the interval of British inactivity, a dramatic move made by Lieutenant Herbert Edwardes, the Resident`s assistant at Bannu, shattered the deliberately created myth of the "invincibility" of Multan. He raised a crowd of Muslim Pathan levies and, crossing the Indus, took possession of the Trans Indus dependencies of Multan. On 18 June 1848, he inflicted a crushing defeat on Mul Raj`s forces at Kineri. Edwardes action raised a storm at Fort William.

In England, newspapers, which had begun commenting sarcastically at the "degeneration" of Gough`s army which could act only in cold weather, hailed Edwardes` victory over Mul Raj. Dalhousie dubbed these "loud crowings" in England as "cockahoop." He sharply reprimanded Frederick Currie for allowing Edwardes to march on Multan and ordered him to keep his reckless subaltern absolutely and utterly away from Multan. Edwardes1 march on Multan with 14,500 Pathan and Baloch mercenaries with cries of jihad for the extermination of Sikh infidels had alerted the Sikhs.

The Khalsa war cry began to be heard again; priests and prophets proclaimed Mul Raj as their leader to restore Sikh supremacy in the land of the five rivers. British troops moved from Ambala to Firozpur and from Meerut to Ambala; the fortress of Gobindgarh was taken possession of; "conspiracies" were unearthed and Maharani Jind Kaur was deported from the Punjab. The governor of Hazara, Sardar Chatar Singh Atarivala, was charged with leading a general rising of the Sikh nation against the British. Lord Dalhousie had meantime prepared the case for the annexation of the Punjab.

On 15 August 1848, he outlined his arguments in a private communication to the President of the Board of Control. Since the treaty of Bharoval, he said, the British had given ample proof of their good faith by maintaining the Sikh Raj. They had assumed the guardianship of the minor Maharaja and had preserved the peace of the country by means of a British force, for which the Sikh Darbar had agreed to pay 22,00,000 rupees annually. A Council of Regency under the direct control of the British Resident had run their government and had kept their army in a state of efficiency.

On the other hand, the Lahore government, he added, had not given proof of its good faith. British debt had accumulated to 53,00,000 rupees, the Darbar had failed to punish the criminal who had murdered two British officers, and signs of a general conspiracy of the Sikhs for the expulsion of the British from the Punjab had become visible. "Even if the proof of a general conspiracy should fail, it is my opinion that however contrary it may be to our past views and to our future wishes, the annexation of the Punjab is the most advantageous policy for us to pursue. The present policy of moderation has been carried on too far.

Lord Dalhousie`s indictment of the Sikh people, however, surprised British statesmen conversant with Punjab political affairs. Lord John Russell`s Cabinet was not much impressed with the vigor and vehemence of the governor general`s arguments. It agreed to put down the rebellion, but was not willing to hold the minor Maharaja and the Sikh Darbar responsible for the turn events had taken. Lord Dalhousie was reminded that since the entire control of the civil and military administration of the Punjab was vested with the Government of India through the British Resident, it could not escape the responsibility.

Although the British Cabinet was averse to the governor general`s drastic policy, both India Board and the Secret Committee were not so certain. " I can assure you on the part of the Government," wrote the President of the Board to the Governor-General, "that if you should feel yourself compelled by the urgency of the case to adopt that, or any other important change, without waiting for the sanction of the Home authorities, the most favorable construction would be put upon your proceedings." This meant an endorsement of the policy of Lord Dalhousie, yet he eschewed henceforth all direct reference to annexation in his dispatches to the Secret Committee.

In his private dispatches to its president, however, he continued to emphasize that the insurrection in the Punjab was a general uprising of the Sikhs against British power, and that abolition of the Sikh dynasty had become essential to the security of India.

On 29 March 1849 after the second Anglo-Sikh war had ended, Dalhousie took the final step without any authority from the Home Government, declaring that the kingdom of the Punjab had ceased and that all the territories of Maharaja Duleep Singh had become part of the British dominions in India. The British Resident at Lahore, Sir Henry Lawrence, being strongly opposed to the annexation of the country, Lord Dalhousie selected his Foreign Secretary Henry M. Elliot as his agent for the final transaction.

Under instructions from Dalhousie, Elliot saw the members of the Council of Regency privately, in the first instance, and made it clear to them on 28 March "that any reluctance on their part would be a great mistake, that the Maharaja, as well as they themselves, would be sufferers from it, that the decision of the Governor General would, in any case, be carried out, the only difference being that if they with the Maharaja gave their formal assent, the advantageous position they then held would be guaranteed to them, while if they refused they would lose everything which the British Government chose to resume."

With British troops in complete occupation of the Punjab, the members of the Regency Council had no choice but to sign the document which put an end to the independence of the Punjab.

They then realized how the British Government had, throughout the past year, been acting in violation of the treaty of 16 December 1846 which provided for the protection of the Maharaja and the preservation of the peace of the country during the minority of His Highness the Maharaja Duleep Singh up to his attaining majority on 4 September 1854.

Sir Frederick Currie, the then Resident at Lahore, had proclaimed to the people of the Punjab on 18 November 1848, soon after the arrival of the British commander in chief with his army at Lahore, that British army "has entered the Lahore territories, not as an enemy to the constituted government, but to restore order and obedience.

The Lahore Darbar had placed all the available troops and resources at the disposal of the British Resident for the suppression of the Multan rebellion and had been, throughout, under the impression that the British army had been called in "for the preservation of the peace of the country and to restore order and obedience," in fulfillment of the treaty of Bharoval, 16 December 1846, and of the proclamation of 18 November 1848. They were completely disillusioned when they discovered that the British force had in fact entered the Punjab as an army of occupation.

Early on the morning of 29 March 1849 a darbar was held in the palace of the Fort and the Maharaja was called upon to affix his signature to the document of terms drawn up by the British divesting him of his crown and kingdom.

Immediately after the document had been signed, Elliot read out in the darbar the Proclamation issued by Lord Dalhousie to justify his policy and action.

It was a most artful statement which, inter alias, said that whereas the British had faithfully kept their word and had scrupulously observed every obligation under the treaties made with the Sikhs, the latter had, on their part, grossly and faithlessly violated the agreements.

The claim of Lord Dalhousie and his accusations against the Sikh government were not sustainable factually. There was severe criticism in both India and England of his action. Even the British Resident at Lahore, Sir Henry Lawrence, described the annexation of the Punjab and the deposition of young Maharaja Duleep Singh as unjust and impolitic.

John Sullivan, a member of the Madras Council, commenting on the whole transaction in his Are We Bound by Our Treaties? said: This is perhaps the first instance on record in which a guardian has visited his own misdeeds upon his ward.

The British Government was the self-constituted guardian of the Rajah [Maharaja Duleep Singh], and the regent of his kingdom; a rebellion was provoked by the agents of the guardian; it was acknowledged by the guardian to be a rebellion against the government of his ward, and the guardian punished that ward by confiscating his dominions and his diamonds to his use.