Thursday, 30 June 2016

Pakistan Mein Saara Khyl Economic, Administrative, Social Domination Ka Hy.

Economic domination k sectors Agricultural, Industrial, Trade Businesses hain, jin par Punjabi domination kar chuka hy.

Administrative domination k sectors Foreign Affairs Services, Military Establishment, Civil Bureaucracy hain, jin par Punjabi domination kar chuka hy.

Social domination k sectors Skilled Professionals, Media Organizations, Political Institutions hain, jin par Punjabi domination kar rahay hain.

Baloch ki na pehlay Economic, Administrative, Social sectors mein say kisi sector mein domination thi aur na ab hy.

Sindhi k pass Economic domination k sectors mein say sirf Agricultural sector mein domination hy. Administrative sector mein say, na pehlay kisi sector mein domination thi aur na ab hy. Social sector mein say Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto say laykar Benazir Bhutto k daur tak PPP k political institution honay ki wajah say Sindhiyon ki political sector mein domination rahi jo es waqt nahi hy.

Pathano ki na pehlay Economic domination k sectors mein say kisi sector mein domination thi aur na ab hy. Na Social sectors mein domination rahi na ab hy. Administrative sectors mein albata Punjabi aur Urdu Speaking Hindustani k baad domination pehlay bhe thi aur ab bhe hy.

Urdu Speaking Hindustani ki na pehlay Economic domination k sectors mein say kisi sector mein domination thi aur na ab hy. Administrative aur Social sectors mein pehlay bhe Urdu Speaking Hindustani dominating position mein tha aur ab bhe hy laykun maazi mein Urdu Speaking Hindustani ka Punjabi k sath joint venture raha jub k es waqt Urdu Speaking Hindustani ka Punjabi k sath confrontation hy jis ki wajah say Urdu Speaking Hindustaniyon ko Punjabi nay Foreign Affair Services, Military Establishment, Civil Bureaucracy say farigh karna shoro kar diya hy balkay es waqt kafi hud tak kamzoor kar diya hy. Es liay Urdu Speaking Hindustani ab Administrative sectors mein kamzoor ho raha hy. Ab Urdu Speaking Hindustani, Skilled Professions, Media Organizations, Political Institutions ki wajah say sirf Social sectors ko dominate kar rahay hain jo Punjabi k sath confrontation jari rahi tu ziyaada arsa qaim nahi rehni.

Punjab Di Wund Nay Durya Tay Dhurm Day Thaan V Wund Ditay.

Punjab di 5 Duryawaan di Dhurti Muslman Punjabiyaan, Hindu Punjabiyaan, Sikh Punjabiyaan tay Christian Punjabiyaan di v Dhurti c.

1947 vich Punjab di wund day kar k Muslman Punjabi tay Christian Punjabi nu West Punjab mil gayaa jud k Hindu Punjabi tay Sikh Punjabi nu East Punjab mil gayaa.

Sikh Punjabi day West Punjab chon East Punjab jaan day kar k Sikh Punjabi day Dhurm day Thaan West Punjab vich e ray gaay.

Punjab 5 Duryawaan di Dhurti a par 1947 vich Punjab di wund day kar k adhay Durya East Punjab vich chalay gaay tay adhay Durya West Punjab vich. Kyon k, River ous nation da e honda a jys di zameen tay wagda a.

Punjab nu wundun waylay sooch lyna chai da c k Punjab di Dhurti di wund nay Punjab day Duryawaan tay Dhurm day Thaanwaan nu v wund dayna a.

West Punjab day Muslman Punjabiyan nu Zameen abaad karn tay Bijli banaan lae Pani di loor a jayra East Punjab kool a.

East Punjab day Sikh Punjabiyaan nu Sikh Dhurm day Thaanwaan di loor a jyray West Punjab vich nay.

Ki Punjab day Durya tay Dhurm day Thaan Punjabiyaan nu ek waari fay jor dayn gay?

List of Famous Punjabi-Language Poets.

Baba Farid - 12th-13th century
Damodar - 15th century
Guru Nanak Dev -15th - 16th century
Guru Angad - 16th century
Guru Amar Das - 15th - 16th century
Guru Ram Das - 16th century
Shah Hussain - 16th century
Guru Arjun Dev - 16th - 17th century
Bhai Gurdas - 16th - 17th century
Sultan Bahu - 16th-17th century
Guru Tegh Bahadur - 17th century
Guru Gobind Singh - 17th century
Saleh muhammad safoori - 17th century
Bulleh Shah - 17th-18th century
Waris Shah - 18th century
Khwaja Ghulam Farid- 18th-19th century
Babu Rajab Ali- 19th century
Mian Muhammad Bakhsh - 19th century
Qadaryar - 19th century
Piloo - 19th century
Amrita Pritam - 20th century
Hashim - 19th century
Shareef Kunjahi - 20th century
Mir Tanha Yousafi - 20th century
Anwar Masood - 20th century
Afzal Ahsan Randhawa - 20th century
Aatish - 20th century
Harbans Bhalla (1930-1993) - 20th century
Shaista Nuzhat - 20th century
Bhai Veer Singh - 20th century
Dhani Ram Chatrik - 20th century
Jaswant Singh Rahi - 20th century
Faiz Ahmad Faiz - 20th century
Darshan Singh Awara - 20th century
Dr. Harbhajan Singh - 20th century
Shiv Kumar Batalvi - 20th century
Sharif Kunjahi - 20th century
Surjit Paatar - 20th century
Ajmer Rode - 20th century
Sukhdarshan Dhaliwal - 20th century
Balwant Gargi - 20th century
Sukhbir - 20th century
Jaswant Singh Neki - 20th century
Shardha Ram Phillauri - 20th century
Ustad Daman - 20th century
Munir Niazi - 20th century
Chaman Lal Chaman - 20th century
Shamsher Singh Sandhu 20th-21st cent

Sindh mein Sindhi bolnay waalon ki 5 Category hain.

Aik tu Sammat Sindhi hain jo assal Sindhi hain, yeh Hindu hain ya Hindu say Muslman hoay.

Dosray Bhutto, Bhatti, Mehar, Kalyar, Joya, Kachila, Kharal, Siyal, Khokhar, Khairay etc casts k who Punjabi background Sindhi hain, jo 1900 say bhe boht pehlay say Sindh mein reh rahay hain aur ab tu ghar mein aur aapas mein bhe Sindhi he boltay hain.

Teesray Arain, Jatt aur Rajput cast k woh Punjabi background Sindhi hain, jo 1901 aur 1932 mein ja kar Sindh mein abaad hoay. Sindh ka culture adopt kar laynay k baad ab Sindhi he lugtay hain aur Sindhi language bhe booltay hain laykun ghar mein ya aapas mein ab bhe Punjabi he booltay hain.

Chothay Baloch background Sindhi hain, jo 1700 CE mein Abbasi Kalhoro k Sindh par hakomat k daur mein Sindh aa’ay aur Abbasi Kalhoro say hakomat cheen kar Sindh par hakomat karna shoro kar di aur mazeed Balochon ko laa kar Sindh mein zameinain day kar abaad karna shoro kar diya. Yeh ziyaada tar apnay naam k sath ab bhe Baloch zaroor likhtay hain jub k ziyaada tar ghar mein Balochi aur bahir Saraiki booltay hain.

Paanchwain Abbasi, Ansari, Gillani, Jillani, Qureshi, Siddiqui etc  Arabic background Sindhi hain jinhon nay Muhammad Bin Qasim k Sindh par qabzay k baad say mokhtalaf waqton mein Iran k raastay Sindh aakar Aastaanay aur Mazaar bunna kar abaad hona aur Piri Mureedi karna shoro kiya.

Rural Sind par es waqt Sammat Sindhiyon aur Punjabi background Sindhiyon k moqaablay mein Arabic background aur Baloch background Sindhiyon ki social, economic aur political domination hy.

Sindh k urban area Karachi mein Punjabi, Pathan, Rajisthani, Gujrati, Bihari, UP Waalay aur CP Waalay rehtay hain jo khud ko Non-Sindhi kehlaatay hain.

Karachi k Punjabioon, Pathano, Rajisthanio, Gujratioon, Biharioon, UP Waalon aur CP Waalon ko na Sindhi aati hy aur na in ka Sindhiyon k sath business ya social interaction hy aur na wo Sindhi bunnay ya khud ko Sindhi kehlwaanay par tiyaar hain.

Provinces of British India.

At the turn of the 20th century, British India consisted of eight provinces that were administered either by a Governor or a Lieutenant-Governor.

During the partition of Bengal (1905–1912), a new Lieutenant-Governor's province of Eastern Bengal and Assam existed. In 1912, the partition was partially reversed, with the eastern and western halves of Bengal re-united and the province of Assam re-established; a new Lieutenant-Governor's province of Bihar and Orissa was also created.

The list of provinces. (but does not include those of the dependent Native States).

1 Burma.

2. Bengal.

3. Madras.

4. Bombay.

5. United Provinces.

6. Central Provinces.

7. Punjab.

8. Assam.

In addition, there were a few minor provinces that were administered by a Chief Commissioner:

1. North-West Frontier Province.

2. British Baluchistan.

3. Coorg.

4. Ajmer-Merwara.

5. Rajputana.

6. Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

Tuesday, 28 June 2016

10 Communities achieve 135/150 seats in Punjab.

Punjab has the 150 seats out of 272 seats of Pakistan national assembly and approximately;

80 seats are achieved by the political players of Jat, Rajput, and Arain communities.

19 seats are achieved by the political players of Awan, Kashmiri, and Sheikh communities.

19 seats are achieved by the political players of Syed and Qureshi communities.

17 seats are achieved by the political players of Baloch and Pathan communities.

80+19+19+17=135 seats are achieved by the political players of 10 communities of Punjab.

15 seats are achieved by the political players of 9 communities of Punjab; Gujjar, Abbasi, Ansari, Dogar, Mughal, Kakkezai, Mayo, Khatter, Lahr.

According to the results of 2008 election;

1. 36% political players of Jat community supported the PPP, 36% to the PMLQ, 17% to the PMLN and 11% were elected as an independent.

2. 75% political players from the Rajput community supported the PMLN, 15% to the PPP, 5% to the PMLQ and 5% were elected as an independent.

3. 63% political players from the Arain community supported the PMLN, 25% to the PPP, 6% to the PMLQ and 6% were elected as an independent.

4. 50% political players from the Awan community supported the PMLN, 25% to the PMLQ, 12.5% to the PPP and 12.5% were elected as an independent.

5. 100% political players from the Kashmiri community supported the PMLN, 0% to the PPP, 0% to the PMLQ.

6. 60% political players from the Sheikh community supported the PMLN, 20% to the PPP, 20% to the PMLQ.

7. 38% political players from the Syed community supported the PMLN, 38% to the PPP, 24% to the PMLQ.

8. 66% political players from the Qureshi community supported the PPP, 17% to the PMLQ, 17% to the PMLN.

9. 46% political players from the Baloch community supported the PPP, 27% to the PMLQ, 18% to the PMLN and 9% were elected as an independent.

10. 34% political players from the Pathan community supported the PPP, 16% to the PMLQ, 16% to the PMLF, 0% to the PMLN and 34% were elected as an independent.

Note: - Political players of different communities will remain to be the political players of their communities.

Previously, PMLN, PPP, and PMLQ were the Top 3 political parties of Punjab but, now after rising of PTI;

a. Top 3 political parties of Punjab are PMLN, PTI, PPP.

b. The leader of PMLN is a Kashmiri background Punjabi. The leader of PTI is a Pathan background Punjabi. The leader of PPP is a Baloch background from Sindh.

c. In what ratio the political players of Top 10 communities of Punjab will support the PMLN, in future?

d. In what ratio the political players of Top 10 communities of Punjab will support the PTI, in future?

e. In what ratio the political players of Top 10 communities of Punjab will support the PPP, in future?

Monday, 27 June 2016

Role of Punjab in 1857: Myth and Reality. By K C Yadav۔

A GENERAL notion persists that Punjab (i.e., east and west Punjab, including Haryana and parts of Himachal Pradesh) was loyal to the British in the stormy days of 1857. The Punjabis, especially both the ‘dominant’ communities, the Muslims and Sikhs, it is believed, helped the British with men, money and material during the Revolt.

The usual argument made for this attitude of the Punjabis is that after the annexation of Punjab (1849), John Lawrence (who became chief commissioner of the province) and his band of dedicated and dynamic officers had not only turned the badly disturbed Land of the Five Rivers into the best governed British Indian province from 1849 to 1857, but had also given to its people peace, prosperity and happiness, something which they had not seen in their long history. Consequently, the ‘grateful’ Punjabis stood by their benevolent rulers and thereby saved the British Empire.

This is absolutely untrue! John Lawrence’s rule was the worst thing that could have happened to Punjab. Its main aim was, in Lord Dalhousie’s words, “to kill the spirit of the Khalsa”, and “isolate the Muslims from the worlds beyond the Indus and the Sutlej”.

They had put a girdle of troops around the Majha, the home of the Sikh soldiery, under their two best generals. And they had done almost some similar intizam in the northwestern region, too, where there was a preponderance of the turbulent Muslim tribes. In all, 45 per cent of the entire Bengal Army composed upon the Purbias Sepoys (Bhaiya, Bihari, Bengali) and 60 per cent of its European troops were deployed and kept in a stand-to position in Punjab. In Bengal and the North-Western Provinces there was one sepoy over the heads of five thousand persons, but in Punjab there was one sepoy over the heads of 120 persons.

There was a terribly tight bureaucratic grip over the people: “The authorities had made full preparations to meet any emergency in the province in 1857”. Still Punjab was afire, though in varying degrees.

There were serious sepoy mutinies at Ferozepur, Hote Mardan, Jullundur, Phillaur, Jhelum, Sialkot, Thanesar, Ambala, Lahore, Peshawar and Mianwali. Some people underestimate these risings and negate the role of the Punjabis, dismissing these uprisings as the doings of Purbias (Bhaiya, Bihari and Bengali).

This is incorrect: the regiments, which played a heroic role in these mutinies, were the ‘mixed’ ones and they consisted of Hindus (of high and low castes), Purbias (Bhaiya, Bihari and Bengali), Muslim Punjabis, Sikhs Punjabis. All of them stood together. They fought together. They died together. For one cause — ousting the Firangi from their country.

There is another very significant feature of these mutinies that has not been highlighted. Nowhere in Punjab did the sepoys rebel without the tacit understanding and positive support of the local civilian population. Aberrationally, if they rose on their own anywhere, they did not succeed in their mission. Ambala is a good example to prove the point. About nine hours before the outbreak at Meerut (10 May), the 5 NI, 60 NI and 4 LC regiments stationed at Ambala revolted. They attacked their regimental kotes, seized arms, and arrested their officers. They had no liaison with the civilian population in the city. Their rebellion failed. On the other hand, the sepoys at Jullundur, Ludhiana, Ferozepur, Sialkot, etc., had established contact with the local inhabitants of the respective areas. It became possible for them to carry on their struggle with widespread local support. We can see this phenomenon working even outside Punjab. The failure of the mutiny at Barrackpore, and its resounding success at Meerut, for instance, can be explained only in the light of this factor.

The Revolt was, at least in Punjab, everybody’s concern. Barring a few ruling princes and their hangers-on, the people belonging to different religions, castes, and classes had an interest – a positive interest to be precise – in it. The poorer sections of the people, the illiterate, and the lower castes were a part of the struggle. “The lower orders and castes among the Hindus and Mohammedans” at this place, remarked the deputy commissioner of Ludhiana, “followed any casual leader that turned up and joined in promoting general disorder”. According to the deputy commissioner of Sialkot, at his station “the menial servants were very generally implicated (in the Revolt)”. At some places where Anti-Firangi feeling was universally strong and deep, even such sections of the population who derived personal benefits from the British, and who were in their hearts, for this reason, on the side of the British, were not prepared to back their masters openly. They were penalized later by their colonial masters for betraying their salt (namak-harami).

As for the Sikhs, their supposed loyalty to the British is a myth. They played an outstanding part in the uprising. “It is a curious fact”, says T D Forsyth, deputy commissioner of Ambala, “that the first man, not a soldier, in the Punjab – and I say in all upper India – who was hanged for sedition was a Sikh”. Forsyth was referring to Sardar Mohar Singh of Rupar (Ambala) who led an uprising in the area. Mohar Singh openly supported Bahadur Shah Zafar, going as far as declaring a Khalsa-Mughal Raj in Rupar. Also the first village to have suffered the punishment of ‘burning’ in the province was the village of Dabri in the state of Nabha. The residents of Dabri were predominantly Sikhs. They collectively became victims of British terror for having helped a ‘grand rebel’, a Hindu faqir named Shamdas. In the cities too the Sikhs did not lag behind others in fighting their enemy. In Ludhiana, according to the deputy commissioner of the district, “almost every class had its representatives on the gallows”. The Sikhs were also there, he says, for their men had taken part in the rising.

It is a fact of history that the Sikh sepoys stood by their comrades in the regiments that rebelled within and outside Punjab. F B Gibbon, a major authority on the subject and author of The Lawrences of the Punjab (1908), explodes the whole myth of Sikh loyalty very forcefully: “The part played by the Sikhs during the Mutiny crisis, has been largely misunderstood, and far too much credit has been given to them for an enthusiastic loyalty that was never theirs, owing to the practice of calling all Punjabis indiscriminately as Sikhs — a short and easy but misleading term”. The protected Sikh chiefs were “gloriously loyal throughout” but not the Sikhs as a community. According to Gen. McLeod Innes, “One often reads loosely worded allusions to John Lawrence having sent down large bodies of newly raised Sikhs to Delhi. In point of fact, he sent none”. The British authorities tried to bribe “the spirited Sikhs to come to their side”, but to no avail. A disheartened Nicholson wrote to John Lawrence on August 27, “We have been trying to get Sikhs without success”. Thus, barring the chiefs of Patiala, Nabha, Jind, etc. Sikh masses were not loyal to the British.

In the northwestern areas of Punjab there were unprecedented popular risings led by Muslims. Hundreds of people rose up in open revolts in the whole region. The biggest and fiercest of these revolts took place in district Gogira, in the Neelibar region, around Sahiwal, where tribe after tribe, village after village, people after people rose up to oust the Firangi from their land. In John Lawrence’s estimate the rebels numbered 1,25,000. Surprisingly they were fighting for Bahadur Shah even after the fall of Delhi.

The British crushed the movement in Punjab with a heavy hand. Thousands of persons were hanged, or blown from guns, without any trial or formal investigation. Several towns were plundered and villages destroyed. Frederic Cooper, the deputy commissioner of Amritsar, ordered the killing of hundreds of rebels at Ajnala. Their bodies were thrown in a well, Kalyan-da-khuh, which still exists. The Ajanala ‘black-hole’ episode remains one of the blackest spots in the history of British rule in India.
  
In Haryana the uprising was still fiercer. The region was, materially speaking, very backward. Because of the loot and plunder of the colonial rulers it had to face frequent famines which led to the death of countless people and cattle year after year. Not surprisingly, there was widespread discontent against the British in Haryana.

The news of the outbreak of the uprising at Meerut and Delhi was greeted with joy in every nook and corner of the state. The districts of Gurgaon, Rohtak, Hissar, Panipat, Thanesar and Ambala came under the influence of the rebels in no time. The people, cutting across religious affiliations and belonging to all classes, came forward in large numbers to put an end to the oppressive Firangi Raj once and for all. So strong was the popular indignation against foreign rule in the region that unlike their Punjab counterparts, all the local chiefs of Haryana – the chiefs of Jhajjar, Farrukhnagar, Bahadurgarh, Dujana, Ballabhgarh, etc. – elected to side with the rebels.

The people of Haryana were lucky to have found some really good leaders of stature and substance such as Sadruddin Mewati in Mewat, Rao Tula Ram in Rewari, Mohammad Azim in Hissar, Gen. Abdus Samad Khan in Jhajjar, Nawab Samad Khan in Sirsa, Ramo Jat in Karnal, and Imam Qalandari in Panipat. The peasant, the worker, the poor and the rich all fought bravely under these leaders and kept their land free until the fall of Delhi (September 20, 1857).

After recapturing Delhi, the British sent their most experienced commanders to bring Haryana “under their control”. Gen. Van Courtland, Brig.-Gen. Showers, Col. Gerrard, Capt. Drummund, etc. launched heavy attacks from all sides. The brave Haryanavis fought desperately even in those very dismal days. In the battles of Narnaul, Ballah (Panipat) and Mewat, fought as late as November 1857, they showed their true mettle. Their defeat was, for obvious reasons, a foregone conclusion but it is really a creditable thing that even the victors praised their bravery and devotion to the cause they were fighting for.

The British let loose an unprecedented reign of terror in Haryana. They killed thousands of people and destroyed property worth many crores of rupees. They burnt over eighty villages — sixty in the Mewat region alone.
  
British rule had meant unimaginable humiliation and oppression for the people of Himachal Pradesh. In the words of Gen. Napier: “We force the Indian to work at plough and we force him to walk thousands of miles carrying the luggage of the English soldiery. The Indian peasant loses his harvest, his land remains uncultivated and his family perishes, his oxen overworked by the soldiers, fall on the way and he does not receive a farthing as compensation for this. His broken plough is left on the way and he is dragged to shoulder another plough whose master has fled away in desperateness. And after six or eight months the peasant is sent back ruined to his house where he used to live happily and peacefully before our arrival there. There he may find his wife and children; but if the wife is beautiful, he will hear that the European magistrate has taken her for himself. I am told that these magistrates have no scruples about taking the Indian women.

This is just one grievance. There were many more such grievances. As a result, the Himachalis were very unpahhpy with the British raj. They wanted to get rid of it somehow or the other. But their task was difficult. They had no leaders. They suffered from the inadequacy of the material means necessary to wage a war effectively. They had no formidable army. No sufficient fire-arms and ammunition. Not even sufficient rations with which to sustain themselves and fight for a long time.

It must, however, be said to their credit that despite all these problems and inadequacies the hill people fought against the colonial enemy. They made the best possible use of whatever was available with them — their courage, their wisdom, and so forth. They used, for instance, rumor as a strategy, and an effective weapon in their struggle. This worked very well. For instance with a small rumor that the governor-general had asked the authorities to send human flesh, they got hundreds of hapless forced laborers and domestic servants working in British homes freed. This hurt the sahibs at their weakest spot. However, at a number of places, people made a positive effort to rise in open revolt. Raja Pratap Singh of Kula, Ram Prasad Bairagi, Raja Pratap Chand of Teerah, and the Rani of Jutog are some of those brave leaders. Some others tried to follow them. But the alert British officials barred their way almost everywhere. In most of the cases they lost the struggle even before these commenced. But successful or unsuccessful, they joined the struggle against colonial rule bravely despite heavy hurdles and a formidable enemy.

It seems appropriate that the truth about the courageous people of Punjab in the great war of their freedom lying buried under the debris of falsehood be extricated, and presented in colours true to history.

Why Punjabis Helped the British in Mutiny of 1857?

The biggest reason why Punjabis helped the British during the mutiny of 1857 is that it was Purbias Sepoys (Bhaiya and Bihari soldiers of the Bengal Army) who had fought in the British Army that brought the Sikh Empire of Punjab Kingdom down. The Punjabis felt no pity for their cause as mutiny was started by them.

Another one is that the figurehead of the rebellion was the Mughal “Emperor” Bahadur Shah Zafar II. The Mughals had been the historical enemies of the Punjabis. They felt no sympathy for a cause whose figurehead was a Mughal King.

Guru Nanak Dev -15th - 16th century, the founder of Sikh Religion condemned the theocracy of Mughal rulers, and was arrested for challenging the acts of barbarity of the Mughal emperor Babar and several of the Sikh gurus gained martyrdom at the hands of the Mughal kings.

Dulla Bhatti revolted against Akbar and Shah Hussain - 16th century approved Dulla Bhatti’s revolt against Akbar as; Kahay Hussain Faqeer Sain Da - Takht Na Milday Mungay.

Ninety Years later when India became independent Indian leaders decided to call the Mutiny of 1857 as “The first war of Independence”, which in reality was the last war of Mughals.

Mutiny in British armed forces was encouraged and several hundreds of British women, children were murdered by these mutineers, all over North India. Eighty Years Bahadur Shah Zafar, from the lineage of Mughals, was asked to take up the leadership of the mutineers, which he reluctantly agreed.

During the Mutiny of 1857, the Punjabis sought restoration of the rule of Mughal princes and rulers, and the Marathas hoped to put the Maratha rulers back into power. The princes of the two communities had a unity of purpose in putting up a common front against a common enemy, the British.

Moreover, the situation in the Punjab was quite different from the one that prevailed in the rest of India. An important and the main factor was that the Punjabis had nursed a serious grudge against the Bhaiya and Bihari, who despite the Punjabis having never given them any cause for offense, had by their betrayal and other overt and covert acts, helped the British during the Anglo-Sikh wars and later in the annexation of Punjab.

The British used the Punjabi grievance and the consequent “natural hatred” towards the Bhaiya and Bihari. Kavi Khazan Singh in his work, ‘Jangnama Dilli’, written in 1858, mentions that the Punjabi participation against the Bhaiya and Bihari soldiers was in reaction to their boast that they had vanquished the Punjabis in 1845-46 and in 1848-49.

The bitter memories of Bhaiya and Bihari co-operation with the British were so fresh in Punjabi minds that any coalition between the two became impossible. The people who now claimed to be fighters for freedom were the same who, eight years earlier, had actively helped the British to usurp Punjabi sovereignty. On top of that, they were trying to bring back the same Mughal Empire, which over the years had wreaked havoc on Muslim Punjabis, Sikh Punjabis, Hindu Punjabis, above all on Sikh Gurus.

This mutiny led the British to recruit for their armed forces heavily among the communities which had been neutral to this rebellion. Especially, Gurkhas, Rajputs of Rajasthan, Punjabi Muslims and Punjabi Sikhs started enlisting with British forces and were thus back to the profession of their liking, the military services.